Revisiting The Ogbonnaya – Otti Debate: Between Personal History, Public Governance And The Politics Of Selective Memory – By Prof Chukwuemeka Ifegwu Eke

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Revisiting the Ogbonnaya–Otti Debate: Between Personal History, Public Governance and the Politics of Selective Memory.

Abia’s political landscape is no stranger to dramatic narratives, but few interventions have generated as much emotional intensity as Chief Charles Ogbonnaya’s recent essay titled “My History With Alex Otti And Why He Should Not Play Politics With Nnamdi Kanu.” What was framed as a political critique quickly unfolded as a deeply personal memoir driven by recollections, grievances, and subjective interpretations of past interactions.

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Yet, beneath the layers of sentiment lies a broader conversation about the nature of political relationships, the boundary between private expectations and public duty, and the ease with which personal disappointment can be reframed as public accusation. To engage meaningfully with Ogbonnaya’s claims, one must separate the emotional from the factual, the anecdotal from the verifiable, and private recollections from public governance realities.

The Problem of Personalising Governance

A striking theme in Ogbonnaya’s narrative is the heavy reliance on personal encounter as the foundation for political critique. His recollection of five visits, reconciliations, introductions, and agreements paints the portrait of a political elder wronged not by policy but by unmet private expectations.

The question, however, is whether public governance should be measured by private political bargains. Across Nigeria’s political history, from the era of Awolowo to the tenure of Tinubu, alliances are made and unmade in living rooms, palaces, and village squares. But no modern democratic system binds a sitting governor to every handshake, every roadside promise, or every negotiation struck in the frenzy of an election cycle.

Political visitations are not contractual obligations. They are as old as politics itself.

Otti’s obligation today is not to the Umuahia Political Forum, the elders’ circle, or individual power-brokers, but to Abia’s 17 LGAs, its taxpayers, its development priorities, and the state’s reform agenda. That is the burden of office.

And that is where Ogbonnaya’s essay—fervent in emotion—fails in analysis.

Defection as Betrayal? A Convenient Argument

Among the core accusations is the claim that Otti’s movement across political parties over the years amounts to betrayal. Yet Nigeria’s political history is defined by ideological fluidity.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, whom Ogbonnaya now defends, has moved through several political platforms from SDP to AD, AC, ACN, and APC.

Former VP Atiku Abubakar has migrated across almost every major party.

Peter Obi, whom many now celebrate, moved from APGA to PDP to Labour.

Political realignments are not crimes; they are instruments of democratic evolution.

If defection were betrayal, then Nigeria’s political class would be built on treachery, and the Constitution itself—which permits such alignments—would be endorsing immorality.

The argument collapses under the weight of national precedent.

The Cocoa Farm Controversy: A Dispute, Not a Scandal

Ogbonnaya recounts the revocation of his company’s agricultural lease as evidence of persecution. But the facts, even as narrated by him, do not support that conclusion.

He confirms:

There was a government panel investigating state assets.

The lease was reviewed, as is standard practice across states.

He was compensated—₦65 million—though he desires a larger amount.

This is not persecution. It is a commercial dispute, open to resolution through administrative or judicial processes, not newspaper warfare.

Indeed, the question that leaps out is this:
If the government was entirely at fault, why did he accept payment at all?
The acceptance of compensation signifies acknowledgment that the government had legal footing to review and restructure the agreement.

Nnamdi Kanu and the Politics of Emotion

Accusing Governor Otti of “playing politics” with the plight of Nnamdi Kanu is perhaps the most emotionally charged claim in the article. But it lacks grounding in public record.

Otti has spoken about the implications of Kanu’s detention on regional peace long before this Villa visit. His interviews with Arise TV (2023), Channels TV (2024), and statements reported by The Nation, Daily Trust, and Premium Times all reference the need for dialogue and due process.

Furthermore, private discussions with the President on sensitive matters are not broadcast at the Villa gate. Diplomacy—whether by Soludo, Uzodimma, Peter Mbah, or Otti—is often discreet. Public spectacle is not a measure of sincerity.

It is thus inaccurate to create a monopoly of advocacy around Kanu. Leadership is not measured by who shouts loudest but by who engages strategically.

The Accusation of Ingratitude: A Political Projection

Ogbonnaya insinuates that Otti owes his mandate solely to the collapse of the PDP and the momentum of Peter Obi. But statistics contradict this narrow framing.

According to INEC’s certified results:

Otti won 10 out of 17 LGAs with margins far exceeding the “Obi wave” effect.

Labour Party won the governorship in Abia even in LGAs where it lost House of Assembly seats, suggesting a personal mandate.

Civil society organisations such as Yiaga Africa and CLEEN Foundation documented unprecedented voter mobilisation in Aba industrial zones, driven by Otti’s reform narrative—not partisan allegiance.

Politically, 2023 was a referendum not on party labels but on performance fatigue.

Umuhia–Ikot Ekpene Road: A National Norm, Not a Sin

Ogbonnaya criticises Otti for taking over a federal road. But he ignores national precedent:

Sanwo-Olu took over the Lagos–Badagry Expressway.

Wike rehabilitated federal roads across Rivers State and was commended for it.

El-Rufai co-funded Abuja–Kaduna infrastructure.

When federal projects stall, states intervene—that is how governance works.

The real question should be:
Is the work ongoing? Are contractors mobilised? Are standards upheld?
These questions can be answered through Abia’s publicly accessible monthly financial reports and infrastructure dashboards.

The Return-to-APGA Rumour: Speculation Masquerading as Fact

The claim that Otti is “planning to go back to APGA” is not supported by:

INEC

APGA leadership

Labour Party

Presidential Villa statements

Any public declaration

Political rumour is not the same as political fact. It is dangerous to conflate them.

The Real Issue: A Personal Rift Presented as Public Warning

Reading closely, Ogbonnaya’s essay is not about policy failures. It is about:

unmet political expectations,

grievances over personal deals,

old alliances broken,

and a desire to reframe private disappointment as public betrayal.

But governance cannot be hostage to personal history.
It must answer to public need, institutional reform, transparency, and infrastructural renewal.

Those are the metrics by which leaders are judged—not by who visited whom five times in whose parlour.

Conclusion: A Moment for Reflection, Not Retaliation

Emotions are part of politics, but they must not drown out the larger truth. Abia is undergoing a fundamental reset—from financial transparency to infrastructural renewal, from open budgeting to debt rationalisation, from cosmetic governance to measurable outcomes.

Criticism is healthy.
Historical memoirs are welcome.
But they must not be dressed as public verdicts.

A strong democracy requires more than loud voices; it requires fair voices.

And fairness demands that we separate personal quarrels from public governance—because one man’s disappointment is never the whole story of a state.

AProf Chukwuemeka Ifegwu Eke


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